Degree

Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)

Department

Political Science

Document Type

Dissertation

Abstract

The means by which American political campaigns reach voters is constantly evolving, shaped by advancements in technology, resource constraints, and the increasing use of microtargeting to engage likely voters who are predisposed to support a particular candidate (Endres and Kelly 2018; Limbocker and You 2020). While much research focuses on campaign strategies and its effect on electoral outcomes (Kolodny and Logan 1998; Shaw 1999; Spenkuch and Toniatti 2018; Vavreck 2007), less attention is paid to studying the specific tactics of campaign strategy. Particularly in this digital age, with advanced methods of microtargeting voters and the societal shift to digital tools in the aftermath of COVID-19, the degree to which political campaigns still value and operationalize interpersonal contact through organizing and investing in physical infrastructure is becoming less clear. This dissertation, which takes the form of three separate, but related articles on the changing methods of how campaigns are reaching voters, and the utilization of field offices in electoral politics is a necessary addition to a scant but growing body of literature.

In Chapter 2, using the Cooperative Election Study (CES) data, I demonstrate how voter contact changed from 2020 to 2022, with increased virtual contact during 2020 while in-person contact resurged in 2022. I show how partisanship influenced the manner of contact, with Republicans predominantly targeted through in-person efforts in 2020 and Democrats virtually, while in 2022, Democrats were more likely to be contacted in-person and virtually. I include 2012 and 2014 CES data to contextualize these findings. In Chapter 3, using an original dataset, I empirically assess the impact of the RNC’s initiative to use office space to engage minority voters and increase voter registration rates. I find that while some locations with centers appear to have demonstrated measurable gains in Republican registration, others had little to no effect. In Chapter 4, using an original dataset of Donald Trump and Kamala Harris’ field office locations, and building off prior research (Darr and Levendusky, 2014), I document a notable decline in field office investment compared to previous elections and show how the placement considerations in 2024 differed from cycles prior.

Date

4-18-2025

Committee Chair

Garand, James

DOI

10.31390/gradschool_dissertations.6726

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Available for download on Thursday, March 30, 2028

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